Nayib Bukele took office as the new president of El Salvador on June 1, 2019, defeating his closest contender by more than half a million votes. The now self-proclaimed “coolest dictator in the world” took over one of the most insecure countries in the world only to turn it into one of the safest in the region in just five years. In 2019, 103 people were murdered per every 100,000 inhabitants. By 2023, this rate dropped to 2.4 intentional murders, making El Salvador the safest country in Latin America.
But why was El Salvador submerged in violence for so many years? And, most importantly, how has this violence drastically decreased?
The Salvadoran civil war in the 1980s led to large-scale immigration of Central Americans to the United States, which resulted in the birth and strengthening of gang groups—most of whose members were later deported at a time of severe political, economic, and social instability. Thousands of ex-convicts affiliated with the Mara Salvatrucha or MS13 and Barrio 18 gangs began to establish new criminal cells upon their return home. The conflicts between these gangs began to escalate. Eventually, they inflicted constant terror on the population as cells clashed over the territorial and economic control that each aspired to take from the other.
The Salvadoran government has never stood idly by, but all of their security strategies always proved unsuccessful. In 2015, El Salvador again broke global records—topping the list of the world’s most dangerous countries with 106.3 intentional homicides per 100,000 inhabitants. Since then, a Salvadoran offensive security strategy led to a substantial decrease in homicides. However, three years into his mandate in March 2022—and in response to the “mano dura” measures (a strict, iron-fisted approach) against gangs—Nayib Bukele faced the most violent 72 hours in the country since the civil war. On March 25, 26, and 27, 2022, a total of 87 homicides were committed.
This event saw the beginning of the end of gang violence in El Salvador. On the 27th of March, Nayib Bukele presented his “regime of exception” proposal to the Legislative Assembly. This regime would suspend certain constitutional rights throughout the country for a month to facilitate the detention of gang members. The Assembly approved the regime of exception through legislative decree N. 333, which continues to be in force to this day.
82,953 alleged gang members have been detained under this exceptional regime, representing more than 1.3% of the country’s total population. As a result, El Salvador—for the first time in its history—has reported 730 consecutive days with no gang-related homicides, making it the safest country in the Western Hemisphere. Naturally, this has brought a sense of calm that the Salvadoran population has never known before.
Apart from causing several thousand deaths per year, gang violence was also negatively impacting the day-to-day life of Salvadorans. In 2018, criminal violence caused the forced displacement of over 235,000 people—including more than 100,000 children and adolescents forced to change their educational institutions due to gang violence. The drastic decrease in crime is also reflected in Salvadorans’ perception of security. In 2019, 70.4% felt that crime influenced their daily lives. Today, 88% report feeling safe walking alone at night. El Salvador has also scored 89th on the Global Law and Order index, ranking it as a leader in Latin America and even surpassing other countries such as the Netherlands and Sweden.
But not everything is as nice as it seems. To achieve this safety, Nayib Bukele’s government has implemented practices of extreme repression against anyone suspected of belonging to a gang. This has not only led to constant human rights violations but also the imprisonment of innocent people without any evidence of gang involvement—who also end up paying the consequences under this regime of exception. For instance, civilians are very well known to be imprisoned without any judicial process solely for their appearance or having tattoos—a common trait among gang members. Human rights defenders as well as environmental, community, and trade union leaders have also been detained under this regime.
All this is legally justified by the initial decree that established the state of exception, along with those that have continuously prolonged it. Decree No. 333 suspends the rights of assembly, freedom of association, and the right to be informed of the reasons for detention. It suspends the right of persons not to be forced to testify, as well as deprives them of the right to legal assistance. It also allows administrative authorities to detain any citizen for more than 72 hours and to inspect their correspondence and telecommunications without the need for a warrant.
In practice, these sanctions have had serious impacts on the human rights of detainees in El Salvador. Today, El Salvador is not only the country with the highest incarceration rate in the world but also one of the countries with the worst detention conditions.
Local and international organisations have denounced the conditions in the detention centres: reported abuses include cases of torture, forced disappearances, cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment, as well as instances of crimes against humanity. To date, the organisation Socorro Humanitario para El Salvador has received reports of 328 deaths in detention since the state of exception began. These deaths are largely attributable to the restriction of food, water, access to sanitation, lack of medical care, and remarkably, an excessive use of force by prison authorities. Consequently, the government has introduced an extensive policy seeking to conceal information about these fatalities.
Furthermore, on 31 January 2023, Nayib Bukele inaugurated the Terrorism Confinement Centre (CECOT)—a maximum security penitentiary that supposedly has the capacity to hold up to 40,000 prisoners. Today it houses gang members profiled as MS13 and Barrio 18’s “high-ranking” members.
Gangs that were once rivals and enemies are now forced to coexist and cohabit in CECOT cells, where they live under inhumane conditions. Inmates sleep on metal plates without mattresses, with the lights on 24 hours a day, and without the possibility of seeing daylight or receiving visitors. Salvadoran authorities maintain that this penitentiary meets international standards, however, few international actors have managed to enter this prison. Additionally, public access pictures—as well as statements from government officials —indicate otherwise. When questioned about the number of inmates in each cell, the director of CECOT evaded the question saying that “where 10 prisoners fit, 20 or 100 can fit as well”.
The state of exception in El Salvador does not seem to have an expiry date, and the recent re-election of Nayib Bukele—who is becoming increasingly proud of his regime—proves it. The success of this scheme and the popularity of Nayib Bukele pose a risk to the rule of law and the protection of human rights across the continent. Countries such as Ecuador and Honduras have attempted to replicate a similar model, while drug traffickers in Rosario, Argentina have threatened to murder more innocent people if such a model continues to be attempted in the country.
Despite constant calls from regional and international organizations to halt the regime of exception, Nayib Bukele continues to project an image of being a social liberator. In his own words, his government “has not imprisoned thousands, but has freed millions”. It is worth questioning what these human rights violations, inhumane treatment, and the potential security risks of mass incarceration on such a scale will imply for El Salvador in the long run. It is also worth reflecting on the full intentions behind Nayib Bukele’s policies. Are they aimed at gaining complete social control in the country? If so, what will he come after next?
By Graciela Moreno Niño
November 12, 2024
