On September 18, 2024, the Italian Parliament approved the “Security decree” proposed by Giorgia Meloni’s government. This type of legislation has already been used before to regulate immigration in the country.
In practice, it was often employed as a weapon to nullify the work of NGOs dealing with the migration crisis in the Central Mediterranean Sea and organizations providing aid to migrants. Even though this new legislative proposal (No 1660), called the “Security Bill,” does not deal directly and exclusively with irregular immigration, it still includes an array of changes to Italian criminal law that are bound to affect more social groups than only migrants.
Considering the name given to the decree and the way the bill has been portrayed by Meloni’s government, the proposed law seems to incorporate changes dealing with public security and law enforcement. However, after a more attentive reading, it is clear that the law is not designed exclusively for that, but hides a number of initiatives that seem to erode the right to express dissent and the right to protest.
In fact, among the changes, there is the addition of new crimes, higher sentences, and fines against acts that are often used by protestors to manifest dissent. Some of these practices are now criminalised, or they already provided for sentences and with this bill will entail harsher fines and sentences. Some examples are the blocking of roads and railways while protesting, disturbance activities to stop the building of projects that are not shared by the local communities (such as the “No Tav” movement, against the construction of a high-speed railway that would negatively impact the Val di Susa mountains), and the occupation of public buildings.
These strategies have been used during the last years by movements to express discontent in different contexts, and the current government has already been very adamant about stemming these protests. Indeed, under Meloni’s government, the police response to demonstrations was many times characterized by violence and brutality. Law enforcement has seen a crackdown targeting especially protests concerning the Palestinian issue and the 2023 war in Gaza, workers’ demonstrations to ask for more security on job sites, and activists demanding action to counter climate change. An example that fuelled concerns regarding the right to protest and issues within law enforcement institutions was, in fact, the beating of high school and university students in Pisa advocating for the end of what has been described as ethnic cleansing in Palestine and the war in Gaza, in February 2024.
Not only that, as a continuation of Matteo Salvini’s past “security decrees” dealing with migrants, this new law proposal seems to continue to attack people migrating to Italy and the weaker strata of society. The new security decree involves harsher fines and sentences in the case of “revolts” or protests inside detainment centres and the so-called CPRs (Centres for Repatriation of migrants), which have been in the spotlight multiple times for their inhumane conditions and mistreatment of the people detained there. Furthermore, the decree involves the need for migrants to have their residence permit in order to even buy a mobile phone card, implying punishment for both the migrant and the commercial activity not respecting this condition. This measure was interpreted as an attempt to deter people from migrating to Italy or staying in contact with their countries of origin. Still, it was highly criticized and defined as “dehumanizing”, given the dangers that these migrants go through or the number of unaccompanied minors that land in the country.
Regarding the handling of irregular migrants, Meloni’s government has been characterized by ambitious projects that ended up with even more catastrophic failures. In early 2024, Italy signed a multi-million euro project with Albania for the creation of an asylum hub and the deportation there of non-registered migrants that travel across the Central Mediterranean Sea. After investing this substantial sum, judges in Italy have declared that this project may violate the Italian Constitution and therefore be illegal.
Many human rights organizations and associations, such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, have raised concerns related to this new security bill, the state of law enforcement in Italy, and their consequences to the freedom of expressing political dissent. The decree, under the guise of security and legality, involves the actuation of repressive measures without having clear boundaries in the context of protests and demonstrations. It seems that, if the law passes the Senate vote, any manifestation of dissent could potentially be countered with high fines and even detention. This could bring people to avoid protests out of fear of retaliation and imprisonment.
However, the response of civil society has been immediate and strong. During the past months, many associations have gathered in a committee against the application of the law proposal, and are organizing manifestations to protest the passing of the law and its repressive character. Amnesty Italy and other organizations have tried to bring their concerns to Bruxelles and the European Council. Additionally, late February 2025 has seen the intensification of initiatives advocating for the right to protest and dissent. This large-scale mobilisation shows that a significant portion of the Italian civil society does not support the measures that the far-right party wants to implement in the country.
In the global rise of repressive measures and the continuous crackdowns on rights concerning expression of dissent, it is important to create a cohesive social tissue. Many leaders worldwide appear to be implementing subtle measures that gradually erode these rights under the guise of the need for securitization. Political oppositions, organizations, unions, and civil society might have to get creative in order to let their voices be heard and defend their right to do so.
By Natalia Franceschetti
March 14, 2025
